In this regard, it is critical to correctly understand the transformation that our country has recently been going through, the recent efforts for social change and the struggle for increased democracy in every field. This applies particularly to the Ergenekon case, which has a special place in this critical process and which has made its impression on the last two years.When I learned that British researcher Gareth Jenkins, whom I thought to have proficient knowledge about our ongoing, deep-rooted and complicated problems, wrote a report about Ergenekon, I thought that this would help the Western public understand the issue better. However, I was really surprised to see that in his report, summarized in a news report in the Milliyet newspaper (Aug. 17), he prioritized the theses of those inside and outside the country who try to underestimate the issue.
In his 83-page report, titled "Between Fact and Fantasy: Turkey's Ergenekon Investigation," he says the defendants are accused of planning and paving the way for a military coup, but he continues to say the majority of these people do not seem to have committed any crime other than opposing the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party).
The report argues, with the provocative wording frequently used by people who attempt to discredit the trial, that there are "concerns that the trial might develop into a big step toward an authoritarian single party government instead of serving as a great leap toward establishing the plural democracy in Turkey as claimed."
This is not the first time that the Ergenekon case has been discussed in the West. Until now, many official and civilian Westerners have expressed how they perceive the issue. Many members of the European Parliament have stated that the Ergenekon case is a good opportunity for the improvement of democracy and that it must be finalized.
In the report on Turkey written by the European Parliament's Turkey rapporteur Ria Oomen-Ruijten, gladness for the start of the trial of the Ergenekon defendants was expressed, and the call for “maintaining the investigation in order to completely reveal the extensions of the organization nested within the state” was made.
In the section on Turkey in its 2009 report, Human Rights Watch asserted that the trial is “an unprecedented opportunity for Turkey to confront the negative role in political life played by elements of the military and state.” These examples can be multiplied endlessly.
It is very unlikely for Europe to have the perspective on Ergenekon that Gareth suggested. Indeed, the people targeted by the Ergenekon terrorist organization include not only Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, chiefs of general staff Hilmi Özkök and Yaşar Büyükanıt or Kurdish, Alevi or Armenian citizens. If he had read the third indictment carefully, Gareth would have seen the plot to assassinate a NATO commander serving in İzmir. A CD seized from Hayati Özcan describes in detail how Spanish commander Eduardo Zamarripa Martinez, who was working as the aide to the commander of the NATO air base in İzmir, would be silenced in 2006. The CD also contains a chart of the headquarters, a description of what should be done in case of problems and how the building next to the open parking lot would be hired, etc. You can read the details on page 45 of the indictment.
I was personally not content with the indictment, so I conducted a small investigation. There was really such a commander, and he is now working on the Napoli base in Italy. I could not speak to him because he was on leave. His aides said they are closely monitoring the developments, but they did not want to make comments as the case concerns Turkey's internal affairs and is an ongoing trial. I am sure that being a person versed in military issues, Gareth may obtain more information from the NATO headquarters in Brussels.
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