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ANDREW FINKEL a.finkel@todayszaman.com Columnists

The islands of stability


I recall doing a double-take at one of those inner sanctum Davos seminars given by former Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Velayati. He was explaining in very patient tones the difficulties his country then faced.

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“Just look at the dangerous neighborhood we inhabit,” he said and began reeling off a list of querulous capitals that included Kabul, Baghdad, not to mention Ankara. Yet despite this unfortunate geography, he maintained Iran managed to remain an “an island of stability.” This is phrase that has resonance in Iran because it was used by Jimmy Carter to describe the regime of the Shah. At the time, it was also commonly used by Turkey’s own leadership to describe the difficulties they faced and in particular to justify the slow pace of domestic reform. If only, the lament ran, there were no dogfights over the Aegean, nor wars of attrition in the Caucasus, nor unruly neighbors abetting Kurdish insurrection. If only Turkey could move house to a comfortable neighborhood between Lichtenstein and Switzerland then it, too, might harvest the peace dividend which so much of Europe had enjoyed at the end of the Cold War.

This was before 9/11 and the Gulf War, and it came as something of an eye-opener to discover a looking-glass image of Turkey’s own complaint. But of course from Tehran’s perspective Ankara was still part of the old world order that had sustained the Shah. Relations with Ankara were solid. At the same time, Turkey was remembered as a country which had been a war time profiteer during the 1980s struggle between Iran and Iraq just as it was then suffering from the embargo against Saddam Hussein. Worst of all, while even Bulgaria was trying to shape up to join the European Union, Turkey was fighting an archaic ethnic conflict in its own Southeast. Although Iran was sometimes suspected of giving succor to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), it was itself concerned that conflict would spill over the border into its own soil.

So if there has been one immediate advantage to the present Turkish foreign ministry emphasis on “zero problems” and on getting along with even the grumpiest of its neighbors it is that at the rhetorical level, at least, Ankara is no longer looking abroad for excuses. Instead, the government is pursuing a policy of infinite problems with what it would define as domestic reactionaries: a cabal-laden military, a judiciary that wants to run the country and a political opposition convinced the world is flat. If the present, and by most accounts, oppressive Constitution is to be changed, it will be the consequence of Turkey grappling with its homegrown demons and mustering the political will.

This new sense of its own independence can, however, be a double-edged sword. In the old days, if a government wanted to make difficult reforms it could do so by explaining that this was a precondition for negotiations with the EU. Brussels’ leverage over Turkish domestic policy is, nowadays, at an all time low. And what happens to a “zero problems with neighbors” policy, if there are genuine problems?

It seems unlikely that Manouchehr Mottaki, the present Iranian foreign minister, could in good conscience define the nation today as an island of stability. To the outside world it appears to be wrestling with a crisis of legitimization affecting the whole regime. Victory of the Islamic Revolution Day, this Thursday, risks becoming yet another confrontation between the opposition and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad loyalists. At the same time there appear to be growing divisions within the ruling elite. While some feel it is time to stop pulling the tail of the international community by developing nuclear capability, for others support for the nuclear program is the shibboleth by which loyalty is judged. The conventional pundit wisdom is that the President Ahmadinejad would not be able to apply the brake, if that is what he wanted. The announcement earlier this week is that Iran intends to expand the number of its enrichment plants and increase the concentration of enrichment up from 3.5 percent to 20 percent. While this is not an easy project, it would be much less difficult jumping from 20 percent to weapons-grade. It is all reminiscent of the games of artless bluff which led to the invasion of Iraq in 2003. And while such an invasion is very far from the horizon, a priority for any Turkish government would be to strive for national unity.

09 February 2010, Tuesday
ANDREW FINKEL
   
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Other Articles of the Columnist

  The islands of stability
  Sticks and stones
  Back 50 years to the future
  A Turkish cartoon scandal of its own
  İstanbul 2010. What’s the point?
  Isolationist dangers
  Nostalgie not de la boue but for a coup
  Hearts and minds
  Caught in the groove
  A foul-weather friend
  Politician’s dam
  Zero problems with furniture
  Tutelage and Dr. Frankenstein
  Why take the plunge?
  The confidence trick
  The dog had its day
  Decoupling from decoupling
  Man of the Year
  A crucifixion
  Virtue’s lack of reward
Columnists
ABDULHAMİT BİLİCİ
ABDULLAH BOZKURT
ALİ BULAÇ
ALİ H. ASLAN
AMANDA PAUL
ANDREW FINKEL
ASIM ERDİLEK
AYŞE KARABAT
BEJAN MATUR
BERİL DEDEOĞLU
BERK ÇEKTİR
BÜLENT KENEŞ
BÜLENT KORUCU
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
DOĞU ERGİL
EKREM DUMANLI
EMRE USLU
ETYEN MAHÇUPYAN
FATMA DİŞLİ ZIBAK
FİKRET ERTAN
GÜRKAN ZENGİN
HASAN KANBOLAT
HÜSEYİN GÜLERCE
İBRAHİM KALIN
İBRAHİM ÖZTÜRK
İHSAN DAĞI
İHSAN YILMAZ
KATHY HAMILTON
KERİM BALCI
KLAUS JURGENS
LALE KEMAL
MEHMET KAMIŞ
MICHAEL KUSER
MUHAMMED ÇETİN
MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE
NICOLE POPE
ÖMER TAŞPINAR
ORHAN KEMAL CENGİZ
PAT YALE
ŞAHİN ALPAY
SELÇUK GÜLTAŞLI
SUAT KINIKLIOĞLU
YAVUZ BAYDAR