Sometimes the powers of the time didn’t hesitate to endanger the continuation of the Empire for the competition over Lebanon. To date, Assyrians, Babylonians, Macedonians under the leadership of Alexander the Great, Catholic crusaders, Mamelukes from the Caucasus and Central Asia, Ottomans, the French, Syrians, Iranians and Israelis have fought for hegemony over Lebanon. From the time of the Phoenicians until the establishment of the modern state of Lebanon, Lebanon has hosted several civilizations and played a vital role in transmitting their cultural, political and religious heritage to our time. While some of the Lebanese Maronites claim that their early ancestors were the Phoenicians, the Eastern Orthodox and the Catholics consider themselves the Middle Eastern heirs of the Hellenic world founded by Alexander the Great. The Turks in Lebanon are a continuation of the Ottoman Empire, and the Druzes believe that they are the last representatives of a universal belief and culture in our time. In addition, the Lebanese Sunnis, Shiites, Alawis and Ismailians have a different understanding of history. That is why it is hard to define Lebanon simply as a country where various sects of Christianity and Islam live together. In other words, it is quite difficult to understand what the Lebanese problem is without living with the Druzes in Shuf, without witnessing how the Shiites and the Christians think and live in Tyre, without talking with the Armenians in Bourj Hammoud, and without communicating with the Maronite, Eastern Orthodox and Catholic sects in Kisrivan.
Lebanon is one of the rare countries that is currently home to religious and sectarian heterogeneity. In Lebanon, where 18 different sects are recognized by the Constitution, each sect tries to sustain its majority in a certain region. For example; throughout history, Southern Lebanon has been identified with the Shiites, Tripoli with the Sunnis, Shuf with the Druzes, and Kisrivan with the Maronites. Moreover, the relations of these factions with Turkey have always been strained. Historical prejudices remaining from the Ottoman period have influenced Turkish-Lebanese relations for a long time. Intersocietal perceptions based on prejudices have negatively affected the development of the economic and political relations between two states. On the other hand, Turkish-Lebanese relations depend on both domestic developments in Lebanon and the intervention of foreign actors. It needs to be underlined that the Lebanese factions and the Lebanese government could not establish a relationship with Turkey as independent actors before 2005, when Syrian soldiers still were present in Lebanon. After 2000, when Turkish-Syrian relations started to be normalized, the Lebanese government followed a convergence policy with Turkey. The normalization of Turkish-Syrian relations directly affected Turkish-Lebanese relations, too, and, first on April 11, the Lebanese Minister of Foreign Affairs Jean Obeyed, and then, in May 2004, the Prime Minister Hariri paid state visits to Turkey. As for the period after 2005, Turkey’s proactive foreign policy towards Lebanon and Middle East region bore fruit, changing perceptions of Turkey for both the Lebanese government and the Lebanese factions.
* Veysel Ayhan, Assist. Prof. Dr., Abant Izzet Baysal University, ORSAM Middle East Advisor
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